When She Picks Up the Phone

In the late 1990s, a Malaysian property developer named Alan Tong and his son N.K. Tong sold one family business and set out to start another, the venture that would become Bukit Kiara Properties,...

In the late 1990s, a Malaysian property developer named Alan Tong and his son N.K. Tong sold one family business and set out to start another, the venture that would become Bukit Kiara Properties, one of Kuala Lumpur's premier developers. New ventures need capital, and family ventures need family capital, which is the slowest kind to raise, because it comes attached to history, grievance, and doubt. The Tongs did not send out a prospectus. They called an aunt.

N.K. Tong tells the story in The Dragon Network: Inside Stories of the Most Successful Chinese Family Businesses, the study of overseas Chinese family firms by A.B. Susanto and Patricia Susanto, two Jakarta-based consultants who spent their careers inside these companies. It was his aunt, Tong says, who always brought the family together. "When she picks up the phone, everyone comes running." His father asked her to find out which family members wanted to join the new venture, and over a single weekend she raised a fair sum of money from more than twenty relatives. Read that again at the speed it deserves. Twenty-plus investors, one weekend, no roadshow, no lawyers in the room yet. The men's names went on the company. The aunt's name went on nothing. And without her, there is no company.

Every extended family on earth has a version of this person, and almost no family can tell you, on paper, who it is. This essay is about finding out, and about what a family loses when it never asks. One note before we begin, made plainly: the Susantos' book is about the Chinese diaspora of Southeast Asia and contains no African material at all. We study it respectfully as a system that another migrant people documented well, and every application to African families, at home or scattered across three continents, is our own translation, and we will mark it.

Every family has two org charts, and only one of them is written down.

The first org chart is the visible one: who holds the title, who signs, who speaks at the funeral, who is called the head of the family. The second is the real wiring: whose call gets answered, who knows which cousins are not speaking, who can summon everyone to one table, who holds the unwritten ledger of who owes whom. The Tong aunt sat nowhere on the first chart and at the exact center of the second. The Susantos, to their credit, treat this second chart as a serious management subject rather than a soft one, and their chapter on it focuses on the person who, in their case studies, most often occupies that center: the founder's wife.

Their framework gives her four working roles, and the texture is worth keeping. She is the balance: the informal chief financial officer, the check on a husband's appetite for risk. She is the complement and driver: the one who keeps the family whole while the business consumes its founder. She is the secretary in the old, powerful sense: the administrator who holds everything, the one of whom the book quotes a founder saying his wife could not be fired because she is "one in a million." And she is, drawing on the family-business scholar Ernesto Poza, the glue: the one who sees herself as holding everyone united through the strains that working families suffer, the healer and mediator, the one who convenes the gatherings and the celebrations where the family actually becomes a family.

But the Susantos do not only praise, and this is where their consulting eyes sharpen. The same chapter carries a blunt heading: is the wife a binder, or a breaker? A wife with informal access to everything, especially the money, and accountability for nothing, can become, in the book's own words, "a breaker who can potentially break the business." Their point is not suspicion of wives. Their point is that informal power is still power, and power that is never named can never be governed. The fix they propose is simple and rarely done: define the role, out loud, by negotiation between husband, wife, and children, so that the family's most important operator is no longer its most invisible one.

An honest caution about the lens itself: this binder-or-breaker vocabulary is the language of mid-2010s family-business consulting, and the book's frame assumes the connective figure is a wife because its Confucian case studies rarely let her be anything else. The book also records, without ever criticizing it, a tradition in which sons hold privileges over daughters and top posts default to elder brothers. We take the framework's insight and refuse its ceiling. The Tong story itself proves the role is not a marriage: the binder was an aunt. In our own families she may be a firstborn sister in Nairobi, a grandmother in Gulu, an uncle in Birmingham who never married and remembers every birthday. The role is real. Its holder can be anyone. What matters is that the family knows who it is.

When the founder dies, the family discovers who was actually holding it together.

The book's most striking evidence for the weight of this role comes from its widows, and if you are reading this as a widow or widower, this section is yours. Two portraits stand out, both drawn as the book found them in 2012 and 2013, so we speak of them as a snapshot of that time.

Lee Kim Hua was the widow of Lim Goh Tong, founder of Malaysia's Genting Group, the resorts-to-plantations conglomerate. When he died in 2007, after six decades of marriage, six children, and nineteen grandchildren, she was left at the head of the family that controlled it all, and at the book's writing she was the richest woman in Malaysia. What the book emphasizes is what she did not do. She did not take the chairman's seat; the company ran under her son, as her husband had arranged. She did not interfere in operations; she trusted the son to know the business best. She stayed, deliberately, out of the limelight. And yet when the family traveled to China for the naming of a university building in her late husband's honor, she was there at the center of the delegation, because the occasion was not operational. It was the family's memory and dignity, and that was her jurisdiction. Authority over the company: declined. Authority over the family: absolute, and exercised almost silently.

Beatrice Campos, in the Philippines, carried the same role with more direct force. Widow of Jose Yao Campos, the famously invisible co-founder of the pharmaceutical giant Unilab, she remained after his death in 2006 the central figure of the family's fortune, ranked among the richest Filipinos, holding the controlling interest in a listed food company run by one son. Another son, Jeffrey, chairman of the family's property firm, credits his mother with the family's entire strategy of accumulating land, the patient parcel-by-parcel investing that became a second fortune. The founder built the company. The widow, it turns out, had been building the family's other pillar all along, and after his death she was not the survivor of the system. She was the system.

Notice what unites the aunt, the matriarch, and the widow. None of them held the founder's title. All of them held the family. The Susantos' quiet finding is that succession planning in these firms obsessed over the first org chart, the chairman's seat, while the second chart, the connective one, was left to fate. Families spent fortunes deciding who would run the company and not one evening deciding who would run the belonging.

A scattered family runs on its binder, and most families cannot name a successor for her.

Here is our translation, made explicitly, because the book never imagines a family like yours. Take an African family of our era: a mother in Kampala, one son in London, a daughter in Toronto, another in Doha, cousins across three continents and a village anchor point that everyone claims and few visit. Such a family does not cohere by default. It coheres because somebody works at it: the one who remembers every birthday across five time zones, who knows which cousin lost a job before it is announced, who calls both sides quietly when two brothers stop speaking, who decides that this December everyone comes home, and is obeyed. In East African families this is often a firstborn auntie or a grandmother; the role has no title and no salary, and in a diaspora family its running costs, in airtime, in emotional labor, in mobile money sent to smooth small crises before they become large ones, are real and unaccounted.

Now run the Susantos' logic against her, because their guanxi teaching applies here with full force: relationship capital lives in a person, and nobody inherits it by default. When the binder dies, the family does not merely grieve. It disconnects. The December gathering stops being organized because the person who organized it is gone. The quarrel that she would have settled in two phone calls runs for six years. The London son and the Toronto daughter, who only ever spoke through her, discover they have no direct line at all. Every family can name one that scattered this way after one funeral, and it was rarely the funeral of the chairman. It was the funeral of the aunt who picked up the phone.

So we propose that a family do for the binder role what the book's firms did for the chairman's: treat it as a succession problem. Three moves, none expensive. First, name the role honestly while its holder is alive: say to her, and about her, that she is the one holding this family together, and ask her what the work actually consists of, because you will be startled by the inventory. Second, resource her: the family that funds its binder's airtime and tickets home is investing at the highest interest rate available to it. Third, apprentice someone: the binder's successor needs years of introductions, exactly as an heir to a business network does, sitting beside her as she makes the calls, learning who must be greeted first and which name unlocks which door.

Map the second org chart before the first funeral, not after.

The Susantos gave family businesses a discipline for their visible structure: councils, committees, defined roles. The equal discipline for the invisible structure begins with an act so simple it feels almost too small: write the second chart down. Around a table, or on the family call, ask the questions the book taught us to ask. Who convenes us? Whose call does everyone answer? Who kept us whole in the last crisis, and who is quietly doing it in this one? Who is our balance, our glue, our one in a million, and who, honestly, could become a breaker because they hold everything and answer to no one? Then record what you find. This is work the Family Tree in LegacyPot can hold in a way paper rarely does: alongside the names and generations, mark who actually connects them, so the family's real wiring is visible to the children who will one day have to maintain it.

The Tongs' venture was built by capital raised in a weekend by a woman whose name appears in no registry of the company she made possible. The book preserved her in six words: when she picks up the phone, everyone comes running. Somewhere in your family is the person those words describe. Name her while she can hear it. Fund the work she has been doing for free. Sit an apprentice beside her. Because the day her phone goes silent, your family will learn exactly what she was holding, and the tuition for that lesson is the family itself.

Keep reading

  • The Network Nobody Inherits
  • The Marriage Behind the Ledger
  • Tall Trees, Strong Winds

Keep reading

  • The Network Nobody Inherits
  • The Marriage Behind the Ledger
  • Tall Trees, Strong Winds